Driving Against the Odds: The Socio-Economic Realities of Women Taxi Drivers in Delhi

The entry of women into Delhi’s ride-hailing and taxi sector embodies both empowerment and precarity. On one hand, it challenges patriarchal norms and creates new pathways for financial independence, but on the other, the structural inequities continue to limit this empowerment.

Gig work in India is marked by deep precarity, and within this, the ride-hailing and taxi sector reveals even sharper gendered divides, where opportunities and challenges are structured in profoundly unequal ways. While the sector offers an avenue for financial independence, it is also marked by structural constraints, volatile earnings, inadequate safety systems, and a lack of institutional protections. It therefore becomes necessary to undertake a thematic, policy-oriented analysis of the socio-economic conditions of women cab drivers in Delhi, foregrounding their experiences within broader debates on labour markets, gender, and urban governance.

Macro Context: Labour Force Participation and Barriers to Entry

India has witnessed a notable rise in women’s labour force participation in recent years. The Female Labour Force Participation Rate (FLFPR) increased from 23.3% in 2017–18 to 41.7% in 2023–24, while the Worker Population Ratio for women aged 15 and above rose from 22% to 40.3%. Yet Delhi presents a paradox. Its FLFPR stood at just 14.8% in 2022–23, which is far below the national average of 37%. Despite being the capital and an urban hub, the city continues to underutilise its female workforce.

Also Read: Shifting Gears: How Women Cab Drivers Are Redefining Delhi’s Urban Mobility

The barriers to women entering commercial driving are both social and structural. Driving is still viewed as a “male profession,” reinforcing gendered stereotypes that discourage women from pursuing it. Poor infrastructure further compounds the challenge: the absence of safe restrooms and secure resting spaces makes long shifts uncomfortable and unsafe. Women drivers often face societal judgment and skepticism, a phenomenon generally described by researchers as “segmentation in the labour market”.

Economic Conditions: Precarity in the Gig Economy

Average Income vs. Cost of Living

At first glance, ride-hailing appears lucrative. Job advertisements and platform narratives emphasise high potential earnings, ranging from ₹12,000 to ₹60,000 per month. Yet these are gross figures. After deductions, the reality is stark. For instance, a Delhi-based woman driver reported gross monthly earnings of ₹55,000–₹60,000, which fell to about ₹20,000 after expenses such as fuel, maintenance, and commissions paid to car owners. For women supporting families in an expensive city like Delhi, this income barely covers the basic cost of living.

Earnings Volatility: Ride-Hailing vs. Private Contracts

Gig work also means unstable earnings. On ride-hailing platforms, income depends heavily on incentives, surge pricing, and opaque algorithmic task allocation. A 12-hour shift may yield gross earnings of ₹2,500, but after deductions, net income is reduced to roughly half.

Costs and Platform Policies

A closer look at expenses highlights why net earnings shrink so dramatically:

Table: Daily and Monthly Costs (Illustrative Example)

Category	Example Cost (₹)	Monthly Total (₹)	Notes
Gross Daily Earnings	2,500	65,000	Based on 26 days, 12-hour shifts
Platform Commission (25%)	-625	-16,250	Platforms like Uber/Ola deduct up to 30%
Fuel (CNG ~9.5 kg/day @ ₹76/kg)	-723	-18,800	Actual efficiency lower in city congestion
Vehicle EMI	-460	-12,000	For a mid-range cab loan
Maintenance & Misc.	-154	-4,000	Servicing, wear-and-tear, small repairs
Net Take-Home Pay	538	13,950	Often insufficient to cover household needs

As such, despite gross earnings that appear substantial, drivers are left with only a fraction of their income once platform commissions, fuel, and vehicle costs are deducted. Electric vehicles are often promoted as a way to ease these financial pressures. In theory, an EV can cut daily running costs by nearly 65 per cent, i.e., about ₹240 compared to ₹880 for CNG, while also lowering maintenance expenses and benefiting from government incentives. This makes the transition appear attractive, particularly for drivers struggling with shrinking margins.

Table: Monthly fixed costs: A comparison between CNG vehicles and EVs

Cost Type	CNG Vehicle	Electric Vehicle
Vehicle Maintenance	₹4,500	₹3,000
Insurance & Registration	₹800	₹800
Vehicle EMI/Lease	₹12,000-15,000	₹18,000-22,000

The reality, however, is far more complex. Commercial EVs come with a steep price tag, often ₹8-12 lakh more than a comparable CNG cab, which makes them inaccessible for many women drivers. Even when purchased, the cost advantage is unevenly distributed.

Operational constraints further complicate matters. EVs typically function best within a 150-200 kilometre daily limit, restricting long-distance routes for women. Long charging times, whether four to six hours for a full charge or 30 to 60 minutes for a fast top-up, also cut into working hours, leading to additional lost income.

What makes matters worse is that platform policies remain unchanged regardless of the type of vehicle. Companies continue to extract up to 30% of every fare, leaving drivers to shoulder the risks of fluctuating demand, vehicle depreciation, and market volatility. Women, who often work shorter shifts because of family responsibilities and security concerns, are especially disadvantaged under this system.

Even with EVs cutting daily costs by nearly ₹590, the imbalance persists. The rhetoric of “flexible entrepreneurship” collapses under scrutiny, as 60 to 75% of gross earnings are consumed by expenses, leaving women with little financial security despite long and exhausting working hours.

Safety Infrastructure: The Broken Promise of Technology

Safety remains a central concern. In 2018, the Ministry of Road Transport mandated GPS trackers and panic buttons in commercial taxis. Yet in practice, these mechanisms have failed. A 2023 investigation found that none of the panic button alerts from taxis and autos reached emergency control rooms. Many rely instead on self-defence tools such as pepper spray.

In the face of systemic neglect, women drivers rely on informal peer networks. WhatsApp groups like SheDrives allow women to warn each other about unsafe passengers or unsafe spots at night. These networks double as emotional support communities, compensating for the lack of corporate or state-backed grievance systems. Informal solidarity thus becomes a survival mechanism, underscoring the gap between the rhetoric of empowerment and lived reality.

Against this backdrop of safety concerns and institutional gaps, licensing and administrative reforms take on added significance. The Delhi government has made notable progress in removing administrative barriers for women interested in commercial driving. It has relaxed licensing rules for women bus drivers by lowering the minimum height requirement from 159 cm to 153 cm and reducing the experience requirement for a Heavy Motor Vehicle (HMV) license from three years to just one month. The requirement for a minimum academic qualification for drivers and conductors has also been removed. These targeted policy changes demonstrate a clear acknowledgement of past hurdles and a willingness to facilitate women’s entry into the public transport workforce.

The Way Forward

Addressing the precarity of gig work in India, particularly in the ride-hailing and taxi sectors, requires a multi-pronged approach combining policy, corporate responsibility, and urban transport reforms. A comprehensive legislative framework is required to address the fundamental vulnerabilities of gig workers. The government should operationalise the Code on Social Security, 2020, by establishing a clear financial model for platform contributions to a dedicated welfare fund for gig and platform workers. This is crucial because drivers in the ride-hailing sector face high occupational risks yet remain excluded from employer-provided benefits due to their classification as “independent contractors”.

While the Social Security Code offers one pathway, additional safety nets are equally important. In this context, the National Human Rights Commission’s (NHRC) proposal for the Janata Personal Accident Insurance Scheme, to be structured on a cost-sharing model between the Central and State Governments, emerges as a viable approach to providing essential social security. Designed to cover accidents, injuries, and fatalities that drivers in general may encounter on congested urban roads, such a scheme would ensure compensation for medical treatment, disability, or death, extending much-needed protection, particularly to cab drivers in this context. When combined with mandatory platform contributions under the Social Security Code, this dual framework could begin to address the systemic vulnerabilities of gig drivers, balancing state responsibility with corporate accountability.

Ride-hailing companies must move beyond public relations initiatives and be held accountable for the welfare of their drivers. It is recommended that governments mandate the regulation of platform algorithms to ensure fairness and transparency in task allocation and payment, preventing arbitrary income loss. Platforms must also establish independent, human-led grievance mechanisms for drivers to report harassment without fear of being deactivated. To promote gender equality and a more sustainable fleet, companies should partner with financial institutions to offer tailored loans and monetary support for women to purchase vehicles, particularly electric vehicles, as their lower running costs provide greater stability. Crucially, safety features like panic buttons must be robust, verifiable, and directly linked to emergency services, with a transparent and enforceable protocol for immediate response.

The city government has a critical role to play in creating a more supportive physical and social environment. The Delhi government, in collaboration with private partners, should establish designated, well-lit, and secure rest points with essential amenities for drivers. A Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model could be a viable approach for this. Furthermore, a gender-sensitive urban planning approach is needed to improve public infrastructure, such as footpaths and street lighting, to enhance safety for women’s mobility, both as drivers and passengers.

Conclusion

The entry of women into Delhi’s ride-hailing and taxi sector embodies both empowerment and precarity. On one hand, it challenges patriarchal norms and creates new pathways for financial independence, but on the other hand, the structural inequities continue to limit this empowerment.

True empowerment requires reimagining the political economy of gig work by formalizing protections, holding platforms accountable, and building supportive urban ecosystems.

Ultimately, the future of women in Delhi’s transport sector depends not only on their resilience but also on the ability of institutions to ensure that empowerment is achieved without compromising dignity or security.

Neeharika Sampathirao is an intern under TRIP

Mentored and Edited by Sneha Yadav